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Additional resources for Britain, Turkey and the Soviet Union, 1940–45: Strategy, Diplomacy and Intelligence in the Eastern Mediterranean

Sample text

27 As we shall see in the final chapter of this book, the FO initially failed to take Soviet ambitions in the Caucasus seriously when they were revived in 1945. Like Cripps in Moscow, Hugessen in Ankara was not privy to intercepted SIGINT, possibly contributing to his more optimistic reading of Soviet–Turkish relations. Not all of the evidence from decrypts pointed in one direction, however. 28 Even without access to decrypts, Hugessen and Cripps recognised that agreement on the Straits was unlikely.

84 Churchill had understood the Balkan Front as an opportunity to be seized, but that opportunity now appeared to have passed. Nonetheless, Churchill remained willing to be guided by the men on the spot. 87 It would not pursue the latter, diplomatic, course because it was unable to back it up, militarily, with the former; an ungallant yet prudent position to which Eden could not reconcile himself.

31 The strategic conservatism which would characterise the Chiefs’ reaction to subsequent proposals for Straits revision was clearly stated. ’33 Stalin indeed sought such an agreement, but Turkish ‘steps’ were unlikely to deflect him. 36 The abandonment of efforts to achieve Straits revision coincided with the recommendations of the Chiefs of Staff (COS). Soviet policy during the autumn of 1940 – which sought continued collaboration with Germany, and the extension of the Nazi–Soviet pact – encouraged caution, although the Admiralty’s attachment to the right to send warships through the Straits also indicated the enduring appeal of intervention against the Soviet Union by that route.

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